RIP Fred Kirschenmann
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Fred Kirschnmann died over the weekend after a long illness, a great loss.
He described himself as a farmer-philosopher, and so he was. I first met
him i...
1 hour ago
In the Senate, Labor's Doug Cameron said he was concerned about "the disintegration of the Liberal Party". "The barbarians are at the gate of the Liberal Party," he said. "Who are these barbarians? They are extremists. They are Tea Party imitators. They are the remnants of Pauline Hanson's One Nation. They are the radio and newspaper bullies whose ignorance is in direct proportion to their pay packet. If you get close enough, you can smell the fear of the Liberal Party moderates as Mr Abbott leads them down the dry well of fear and ignorance."
Ministers arriving for cabinet yesterday said Mr Foley was entitled to walk on a city street at any hour without being assaulted.
The impact of the Latham “intervention” on the weekend is yet to be played out, but I suspect George Megalogenis was right in suggesting yesterday [Keane doesn't say where] that there appears to be a pattern of men trying to undermine our first female prime minister.Keane says this as though it were a new thought: as though Megalogenis had made some startling new discovery.
The 'political' interview often becomes a news event in itself, a focal and sometimes pivotal point in the affairs of government. While it purports to deal with the events of recent days, bits of it frequently end up in everybody's news bulletins on the following Monday night; constructed thus as 'news', it sometimes produces further consequences.
Keeping track of these unfolding causalities is disquieting. Among other things, they indicate just how much power Oakes has to help make things happen; his recent interviews have had a hand in the ebb of Ros Kelly's fortunes [remember Ros Kelly? -- Ed] and the flow of Bronwyn Bishop's. Remarks edited out of context, and then repeatedly re-broadcast both by Nine and by other stations, can have major consequences; and sometimes those remarks have been lured, coaxed or goaded out of reluctant ministerial mouths in the first place by strategies comparable in subtlety and sympathy to a well-aimed jackboot to the groin.
Cheryl Kernot, interviewed a week or two before Ros Kelly's resignation and taking a tough stand on accountability, is one of the few politicians I have ever seen remain unflustered by Oakes throughout an entire interview. Kernot, like Gareth Evans [ooh, prescience! -- Ed] but unencumbered by what Jane Austen would have called his uncertain temper, is both spectacularly well-informed and possessed of high-level debating skills; at one point she left Oakes speechless, sweetly but mercilessly showing him up through a hole in his own research.
One of the most noticeable features of this interview was the difference in its participants' rhetoric: Kernot's images and metaphors were those of consensus and integration, Oakes's those of strife and fracture. His language, illuminated by the difference, revealed his view of political affairs as essentially antagonistic, competitive and hierarchical; 'win' and 'lose' are two of his favourite words. This world view, like the medium through which it is expressed, is coercive; in shaping his questions according to it, Oakes builds whole suburbs of verbal dark alleys down which it becomes very difficult for his subjects not to go. Most politicians' terror of silence is such that a simple 'I don't accept the terms of your question' would never occur to them, even when that is clearly the case.
Abbott is apparently happy to be seen as a fraud and a poltroon, a shyster who cannot be trusted or believed and who stands for nothing. This, of course, is precisely the political cowardice of which he accuses Gillard, and on her record to date he has a point. But pots and kettles, people in glass houses, etc.
Of course the voters are the real losers. Never has the prime ministership of Australia been contested by such a pair of abject, craven, weak-kneed, whey-faced, chicken-hearted, lily-livered, jelly-bellied milksops.
Mr Abbott said: 'I know politicians are going to be judged on everything they say. But sometimes in the heat of discussion you go a little bit further than you would if it was an absolutely calm, considered, prepared, scripted remark - which is one of the reasons why the statements that need to be taken absolutely as gospel truth [are] those carefully prepared scripted remarks.'By 'you' here, of course, he means 'I'. But people should understand that, right? As for the heat of discussion, yes, sometimes, in the heat of discussion, you [sic] do indeed go a little bit further. But in my experience, the heat of discussion tends to propel you further towards the naked truth, not further away from it.
'All of us when we're in the heat of verbal combat, so to speak, will sometimes say things that will go a little bit further.'All of us do that. So I'm no different from everyone else. I'm just a bloke. Not like that other bloke, you know, the robotic bureaucrat blah blah blah.
He said his parental leave promise 'wasn't absolutely consistent with what I said the month before'. Many people had pointed out the inconsistency 'and I accept that.'He accepts it, see? Taking his responsibility like a man's man. He accepts it. Now move on, please, nothing to see here.
He hoped when the budget returned to surplus, a Coalition government would not have to increase the tax burden, 'but nevertheless it was the least bad way of proceeding at the time.'And anyway, it's Labor's fault.
Mr Abbott used the same rationale to explain his assertion that the argument on climate change was 'absolute crap', later saying he had been loose with his language while trying to make a case for Liberal policy to an audience in regional Victoria.Ah, there you go; he only said that to keep the Duelling Banjos happy, so it was all right, right? He wasn't lying, you see. He wasn't even 'misspeaking'. He was loose with his language. Why was he 'loose with his language'? To endear himself to those hicks from the sticks, of course. The ones whose votes he needs so badly.
When challenged last night about how the public could know whether what he was saying was rock solid or not, given the climate change incident, Mr Abbott said: 'Well, again, I think that most of us know when we're talking to people or when we're listening to people … when we can put absolute weight on what's being said and when it's just the give and take of standard conversation.'No, 'most of us know' that when we're talking to normal people they're usually telling the truth. This may be because most normal people don't have all that much to hide.
Asked whether he made core and non-core promises, Mr Abbott said this was a subject that was run up and down the flagpole lots of times in March 'because you are not the first person to have noticed what you think is a serious inconsistency.'What you think is a serious inconsistency. Because of course it's not really. We all know a non-core promise is a still a promise. It's just one that you make but don't mean, and you do it so that you'll get what you want. Everyone does that, right? What is your problem?